New Urbanism
New urbanism is an urban design movement whose
popularity increased beginning in the 1980s
and early 1990s.
The goal of new urbanists is to reform all aspects
of real estate development and urban planning.
These include everything from urban retrofits,
to suburban infill.
There are some common elements of new urbanist
design. New urbanist neighborhoods are walkable,
and are designed to contain a diverse range
of housing and jobs. New urbanists support regional
planning for open space, appropriate architecture
and planning, and the balanced development of
jobs and housing. They believe these strategies
are the best way to reduce the time people spend
in traffic, to increase the supply of affordable
housing, and to rein in urban sprawl. Many other
issues, such as historic preservation, safe
streets, green building, and the renovation
of brownfield land are also covered in the Charter
of the New Urbanism, the movement's seminal
document. Because new urbanist designs include
many of the features (like mixed use and emphasis
on walkability) which characterized urban areas
in the pre-automobile age, the movement is sometimes
known as Traditional neighborhood design.
About new urbanism
(Adapted from "The New Urbanism: An alternative
to modern, automobile-oriented planning and
development" by Robert Steuteville, editor
and publisher, New Urban News, 2004.)
Background
Through the first quarter of the 20th century,
the United States was developed in the form
of compact, mixed-use neighborhoods. The pattern
began to change with the emergence of modern
architecture and zoning and ascension of the
automobile. After World War II, a new system
of development was implemented nationwide, replacing
neighborhoods with a rigorous separation of
uses that has become known as conventional suburban
development, or sprawl. The majority of US citizens
now live in suburban communities built in the
last 50 years.
Although conventional suburban development has
been popular, it carries a significant price.
Lacking a town center or pedestrian scale, conventional
suburban development spreads out to consume
large areas of countryside even as population
grows relatively slowly. Automobile use per
capita has soared, because a motor vehicle is
required for the great majority of household
and commuter trips.
Those who cannot drive are significantly restricted
in their mobility. The working poor living in
suburbia spend a large portion of their incomes
on cars. Meanwhile, the American landscape where
most people live and work is dominated by strip
malls, auto-oriented civic and commercial buildings,
and subdivisions without much individuality
or character.
Trends
The new urbanism is a reaction to sprawl. A
growing movement of architects, planners, and
developers, new urbanism is based on principles
of planning and architecture that work together
to create human-scale, walkable communities.
New urbanists take a wide variety of approaches—some
work exclusively on infill projects, others
focus on transit-oriented development, still
others are attempting to transform the suburbs,
and many are working in all of these categories.
New urbanism includes traditional architects
and those with modernist sensibilities. All,
however, believe in the power and ability of
traditional neighborhoods to restore functional,
sustainable communities. Early in the 1960s,
Jane Jacobs authored The Death and Life of Great
American Cities, which set the precendent for
the new urbanist trend by condemning the accepted
planning theories of the time; calling for an
increased effort by planners to reconsider the
failing single-use housing projects, large car-dependent
thoroughfares, and segregated commercial centers
that had become the "norm" of civic
planning and zoning thought. Another mid-twentieth
century writer that inspired the new urbanist
movement was the social philosopher/historian
Lewis Mumford, who criticized the "anti-urban"
development of post-war America.
Today's popular trend of new urbanism had its
roots in the work of maverick architects, planners,
and theorists, like Jacobs, who believed that
the conventional planning thought was gradually
failing in one way or another. In the 1970s
and 1980s, these new ideas emerged, and eventually
coalesced into a unified group in the 1990s.
From modest beginnings, the trend is beginning
to have a substantial impact. More than 600
new towns, villages, and neighborhoods are planned
or under construction in the U.S., using principles
of new urbanism. Additionally, hundreds of small-scale
new urban infill projects are restoring the
urban fabric of cities and towns by reestablishing
walkable streets and blocks.
On the regional scale, new urbanism is having
a growing influence on how and where metropolitan
regions choose to grow. At least 14 large-scale
planning initiatives are based on the principles
of linking transportation and land-use policies
and using the neighborhood as the fundamental
building block of a region.
In Maryland and several other states, new urbanist
principles are an integral part of smart growth
legislation.
Moreover, new urbanism is beginning to have
widespread impact on conventional development.
Mainstream developers are adopting new urban
design elements such as garages in the rear
of houses, neighborhood greens and mixed-use
town centers. Projects that adopt some principles
of new urbanism but remain largely conventional
in design are known as hybrids.
Old and new urbanism
The new urbanism trend goes by other names,
including neotraditional design, transit-oriented
development, and traditional neighborhood development.
Borrowing from urban design concepts throughout
history, new urbanism does not, and cannot merely
replicate old communities. New houses within
neighborhoods, for example, must provide modern
living spaces and amenities that consumers demand
(and that competing suburban tract homes offer).
Stores and businesses must have sufficient parking,
modern floor plans, and connections to automobile
and pedestrian traffic, and/or transit systems.
With proper design, large office, light industrial,
and even "big box" retail buildings
can be situated in a walkable new urbanist neighborhood.
Parking lots, the most prominent feature of
conventional commercial districts, are accommodated
to the side, the rear or basement of new urban
businesses. The size of lots are reduced through
shared parking, on-street parking, and shifts
to other modes of transportation.
Another difference between old and new urbanism
is the street grid. Most historic cities and
towns in the US employ a grid that is relentlessly
regular. New urbanists often use a "modified"
grid, with "T" intersections and street
deflections to calm traffic and increase visual
interest.
That blending of old and new is the basis of
the adjective neotraditional, a term that carries
a lot of baggage, especially with modernists,
who see it as an architectural "style."
However, it is more of an urban design approach
that borrows from the past while adapting to
the present and future. The very fact that new
urbanists must meet the demands of the marketplace
keeps them grounded in reality. Successful new
urbanism performs a difficult balancing act
by maintaining the integrity of a walkable,
human-scale neighborhood while offering modern
residential and commercial "product"
to compete with conventional suburban development.
New urbanists who cannot compete with conventional
development or find a niche that is poorly served
by the real estate industry are doomed to failure.
The difficulty of that balancing act is one
reason why many developers choose to build hybrids,
instead of adopting all of the principles of
new urbanism. Some new urbanists think that
hybrids pose a serious threat to the movement,
because they usually borrow the label and language
of the new urbanism. Other new urbanists believe
that hybrids represent a positive step forward
from conventional suburban development.
Defining elements
The heart of new urbanism is in the design of
neighborhoods, which can be defined by 13 elements,
according to town planners Andrés Duany and
Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, two of the founders
of the Congress for the New Urbanism. An authentic
neighborhood contains most of these elements:
1. The neighborhood has a discernible center.
This is often a square or a green and sometimes
a busy or memorable street corner. A transit
stop would be located at this center. 2. Most
of the dwellings are within a five-minute walk
of the center, an average of roughly 2,000 feet.
3. There are a variety of dwelling types—usually
houses, rowhouses and apartments—so that younger
and older people, singles and families, the
poor and the wealthy may find places to live.
4. At the edge of the neighborhood, there are
shops and offices of sufficiently varied types
to supply the weekly needs of a household. 5.
A small ancillary building or garage apartment
is permitted within the backyard of each house.
It may be used as a rental unit or place to
work (for example, office or craft workshop).
6. An elementary school is close enough so that
most children can walk from their home. 7. There
are small playgrounds accessible to every dwelling—not
more than a tenth of a mile away. 8. Streets
within the neighborhood form a connected network,
which disperses traffic by providing a variety
of pedestrian and vehicular routes to any destination.
9. The streets are relatively narrow and shaded
by rows of trees. This slows traffic, creating
an environment suitable for pedestrians and
bicycles. 10. Buildings in the neighborhood
center are placed close to the street, creating
a well-defined outdoor room. 11. Parking lots
and garage doors rarely front the street. Parking
is relegated to the rear of buildings, usually
accessed by alleys. 12. Certain prominent sites
at the termination of street vistas or in the
neighborhood center are reserved for civic buildings.
These provide sites for community meetings,
education, and religious or cultural activities.
13. The neighborhood is organized to be self-governing.
A formal association debates and decides matters
of maintenance, security, and physical change.
Taxation is the responsibility of the larger
community.
Examples
Seaside, Florida, the first new urbanist town,
began development in 1981 on 80 acres (324,000
m²) of Florida Panhandle coastline. Seaside
appeared on the cover of the Atlantic Monthly
in 1988 when only a few streets were completed,
and it since became internationally famous for
its architecture and the quality of its streets
and public spaces. Seaside proved that developments
that function like traditional resort towns
could be built in the postmodern era. Lots began
selling for $15,000 in the early 1980s and,
slightly over a decade later, lots prices had
escalated to about $200,000. Today, most lots
sell for more than a million dollars, and houses
sometimes top $5 million. The town is now a
tourist mecca.
Seaside’s influence has less to do with its
economic success than the attractiveness and
dynamism related to its physical form. Many
developers have visited Seaside and gone away
determined to build something similar.
Since Seaside gained recognition, other new
urban towns and neighborhoods have been designed
and are substantially built—including Legacy
Town Center in Plano, Texas; Haile Village Center
in Gainesville, Florida; Harbor Town in Memphis,
Tennessee; Kentlands in Gaithersburg, Maryland;
King Farm in Rockville, Maryland; Addison Circle
in Addison, Texas; Orenco Station in Hillsboro,
Oregon; Mashpee Commons in Mashpee, Massachusetts;
The Cotton District in Starkville, Mississippi;
Celebration and Avalon Park in Orlando, Florida;
Cherry Hill Village in Canton, Michigan, Baxter
Village (www.villageofbaxter.com) in Fort Mill,
SC, and the redevelopment of Stapleton International
Airport in Denver, Colorado.
Designers are also using the principles of new
urbanism to build major new projects in cities
and towns. In the mid-1990s, the U.S. Department
of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) adopted
the principles of the new urbanism in its multibillion
dollar program to rebuild public housing projects
nationwide. New urbanists have planned and developed
hundreds of projects in infill locations. Most
were driven by the private sector, but many,
including HUD projects, used public money. New
urbanist projects built in historic cities and
towns includes Crawford Square in Pittsburgh,
City Place in West Palm Beach, Highlands Garden
Village in Denver, Park DuValle in Louisville,
and Beerline B in Milwaukee.
The United States is by no means alone in the
"new urbanism" shift, (though it is
important to note most of the fundamental ideas
stem from European urban design), the river
city of Brisbane, Queensland, Australia is also
experimenting with small more commercialised
developments such as Emporium, (a living, shopping,
dining mecca). As well as large scale initiatives
such as Kelvin Grove Urban Village, [1], a University/College,
medium and high resedential living with retail
suiting all age groups and budgets.
Congress for New Urbanism
Meanwhile, leaders in this design trend came
together in 1993 to form the Congress for the
New Urbanism, based in Chicago. The founders
are Andrés Duany, Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, Peter
Calthorpe, Daniel Solomon, Stefanos Polyzoides,
and Elizabeth Moule, all practicing architects
and town planners. The Congress for the New
Urbanism has since grown to more than 2,000
members and is now the leading international
organization promoting new urbanist design principles.
Disney builds a town
In June of 1996, Disney unveiled its 5,000 acre
(20 km²) town of Celebration, near Orlando,
Florida, and it has since eclipsed Seaside as
the best-known new urbanist community. In some
respects, the new urbanism and Disney have been
uncomfortable bedfellows. While using designers
and principles closely associated with the new
urbanism, Disney has shunned the label, preferring
to call Celebration simply a "town."
Meanwhile, the movement may have benefited from
all of Celebration’s publicity—but not without
a price. Disney has come under attack for what
some perceive as heavy-handed rules and management.
For those who would attack new urbanism as insipid
nostalgia, Disney is a fat target. The fact
remains that Celebration’s urban design is generally
of high quality and by most accounts serves
residents very well.
In the 1991 book Edge City, author Joel Garreau
wrote that Americans have not built "a
single old-style downtown from raw dirt in 75
years." Celebration was one of the first
real estate projects to break that trend, opening
its downtown in October, 1996; Seaside's downtown
was still mostly unbuilt at the time. (It could
be argued that Reston Town Center, opened in
1990 near Garreau's home in Washington, D.C.,
could qualify.) Since then, scores of new urban
projects have followed suit with their own downtowns
and mixed-use districts.
Criticisms
New urbanism is in part a reform movement and,
as such, has drawn criticism from all quarters
of the political spectrum. Some members of right
wing view new urbanism as a collectivist plot
designed to rob Americans of their civil freedoms,
property rights and free-flowing traffic. Some
members of the left wing view new urbanism as
an example of capitalistic excess, aligned with
forces of greed that would purge the underclass
from urban areas for the benefit of the gentrifying
elite. Some environmentalists decry new urbanism
as nothing more than conventional sprawl dressed
up with superficial stylistic cues, while NIMBY
activists routinely argue against new urbanism
as being too dense, with too much mixed use
and around-the-clock activity.
Critics of new urbanism often accuse it of
elevating aesthetics over practicality, subordinating
good city planning principles to urban design
dogma. Another charge is that the movement is
grounded in nostalgia for a period in American
history that may never have existed. A related
charge is that the movement represents nothing
truly new, as towns and neighborhoods were built
on similar principles in the U.S. until the
1920s. However, perhaps the most frequent criticism
of the movement is that some of the highest-profile
projects—such as Celebration, Seaside, and The
Glen in Glenview, Illinois—represent a form
of sprawl themselves, in that they are built
on what was previously open space. According
to New Urban News, new urbanist developments
as a group are approximately one-half infill
and one-half greenfield land.
A stream of thought in sustainable development
maintains that sustainabilty is primarily based
on the combination of high density and transit
service. To the extent that many new urbanist
developments rely on automobile transport and
serve the detached single family housing market,
critics claim they fall short of being truly
sustainable. However, a forthcoming rating and
certification scheme for neighborhood environmental
design, LEED-ND, should help to quantify the
sustainability of New Urbanist neighborhood
design; it is being developed by a partnership
between the US Green Building Council, Natural
Resources Defense Council, and the Congress
for the New Urbanism.
Beyond cursory levels, say critics, the provision
for cultural and social interchange in new urbanist
towns is limited, and the permanent residential
populations of new urbanist resort communities
are comparatively small and culturally homogeneous.
Critics claim that new urbanism is somewhat
incomplete: while providing a basic framework
for the improvement of the civic landscape,
it does not entirely provide for the diversity
necessary for city success. Critics call into
question whether or not towns and cities are
objects that can be "created," or
whether they are, in fact, the results of a
process of cultural, social, political and religious
interaction that the new urbanists seek to accelerate
and simulate, in order to make their towns more
palatable to their predominantly affluent (and,
some argue, nostalgic) clientele.
To date, new urbanists have captured only a
few percent of the residential market. The conventional
suburban development retail model, particularly
the strip mall format, presents a formidable
challenge to the new urbanist ideal of walkable
town centers. Critics charge that new urbanist
developers must get better at making their neighborhoods
affordable, and prove that their ideas are superior
for both revitalizing and recovering old cities,
towns and building new communities.